The Discipline of Consent: Who We Are According to the Stoics

An emperor writing in his tent on the Danube frontier, trying to remind himself of what he already knows. A former slave dictating philosophy from a small house in Nicopolis, having survived torture and exile with his equanimity intact. A wealthy senator and playwright composing letters about poverty and death from one of the most comfortable addresses in Rome. Three men, three centuries, one philosophy — the most practically useful, the most personally demanding, and the most consistently misunderstood system of living the ancient world produced. The Stoics are not what you think they are. And what they actually are is something the contemporary world needs with an urgency it has not quite recognised.


Three lives, first, because the lives are the philosophy.

Marcus Aurelius was born in 121 CE into a family of Spanish origin that had risen to the highest levels of Roman senatorial society. He was adopted by the Emperor Antoninus Pius at the age of seventeen, at the direction of the Emperor Hadrian, and spent the next twenty-three years preparing for a role he had not sought and did not particularly want — the role of emperor of the most powerful state in the world. He became emperor in 161 CE and reigned until his death in 180 CE, spending a large proportion of those nineteen years on military campaign on the northern frontier, managing the near-constant pressure of the Germanic tribes on the empire’s borders. He was, by the universal testimony of ancient sources and the evidence of his own writing, a man of extraordinary conscientiousness and extraordinary internal seriousness, a person for whom the gap between what he knew philosophy required and what the daily management of an empire demanded was a source of genuine and permanent tension.

The Meditations — the private notebook he kept during the campaigns, addressed to himself, never intended for publication, recovered and preserved by a chance of transmission whose nature we do not know — is the most intimate philosophical document that survives from antiquity. It is a man talking to himself about what he already knows but keeps forgetting — reminding himself, repeatedly and with the patient insistence of someone who finds the reminding necessary, of the principles that his formation in Stoic philosophy has given him and that the pressures of imperial life keep threatening to displace.

Epictetus was born into slavery around 50 CE, in Hierapolis in Phrygia, in what is now Turkey. His master in Rome was Epaphroditus, a freedman who had risen to become secretary to the Emperor Nero, and who subjected Epictetus, according to an ancient tradition that may be partly legendary but that Epictetus himself never denied, to a form of torture — twisting his leg — that resulted in a permanent disability. Epictetus is said to have told his master, as the twisting began, that the leg would break — and when it did, to have said: “Did I not tell you that it would break?” The equanimity in the face of physical pain, the refusal to allow the external assault to disturb the internal order, the demonstration by the body that the mind can remain free even when the body is enslaved — these are, in the Stoic account, not merely admirable qualities but the precise expression of the philosophy’s central insight.

He was eventually freed, studied philosophy under the Stoic teacher Musonius Rufus, and established his own school in Nicopolis in northwestern Greece, where he taught until his death sometime around 135 CE. He wrote nothing — the Discourses and the Enchiridion that bear his name were recorded by his student Arrian. His life, in its bare outline, is the demonstration of the philosophy: a man who possessed nothing that could not be taken away and who found, in that dispossession, not poverty but a specific kind of freedom that no external power could reach.

Lucius Annaeus Seneca was born in Córdoba around 4 BCE and died in Rome in 65 CE, forced by the Emperor Nero to commit suicide after being implicated — probably falsely — in a conspiracy against the emperor he had tutored and advised and whose early reign he had helped to manage. He was enormously wealthy, enormously influential, enormously productive as a writer — the Letters to Lucilius, the essays on anger and on the shortness of life and on the happy life, the tragedies — and he spent his philosophical career in the uncomfortable position of the Stoic philosopher who lived extremely well by the standards of the conventional world he was philosophically committed to transcending.

The tension in Seneca is more visible than the tension in Marcus or Epictetus, and it is philosophically productive rather than merely embarrassing: the philosopher who argues for the sufficiency of simple pleasures from one of the great houses of Rome is either a hypocrite or a person who has understood something that the simpler moralists have missed about the relationship between external circumstances and the internal life that Stoicism is actually concerned with. Both readings have been made, across two thousand years of engagement with Seneca’s work. The truth, as usual, is more complicated than either.


The Founding Vision: Zeno’s Porch

The Stoic school was founded in Athens around 300 BCE by Zeno of Citium, who taught in the Stoa Poikile — the Painted Porch — from which the school took its name. Zeno was himself an immigrant to Athens, a Phoenician from Cyprus who had arrived in the city as a young man and who built from the various philosophical traditions he encountered — from Socrates through the Cynics through the Megarians — a philosophical system of unusual comprehensiveness and unusual practical ambition.

The Stoic system, as it was developed by Zeno and his successors Cleanthes and Chrysippus, covered logic, physics, and ethics — the three parts of ancient philosophy — with each part supporting the others in a structure of deliberate interdependence. The physics established that the world was a rational, providentially ordered whole, governed by the logos — the rational principle that runs through all things and that the Stoics, following Heraclitus, identified with God and with the fire that was both the world’s substance and its organising principle. The logic provided the tools for clear thinking about the world and about one’s own situation within it. And the ethics — the account of how to live, what to value, how to respond to the events that constitute a human life — was grounded in both: in the rational order of the world and in the rational structure of the human mind that was, in its highest exercise, a participation in that order.

The ethical core of the Stoic system is a distinction so simple that its implications take a lifetime to absorb: the distinction between what is up to us and what is not up to us. The term Epictetus uses — the one that has become the most recognisable expression of the Stoic insight — is prohairesis: the faculty of choice, the will, the capacity for assent or dissent, the part of the human being that is genuinely and completely under her own control. Everything else — the body, the reputation, the property, the responses of other people, the outcomes of actions undertaken in an uncertain world — is not up to us, and the attempt to treat these things as though they were up to us is the source of most human suffering.

“Some things are in our control and others not,” Epictetus begins the Enchiridion, with the directness of a person who has understood that the rest of what he has to say depends on this being genuinely grasped rather than merely intellectually acknowledged. “Things in our control are opinion, pursuit, desire, aversion, and, in a word, whatever are our own actions. Things not in our control are body, property, reputation, command, and, in one word, whatever are not our own actions.”

The simplicity is deceptive. The distinction is clear enough to state in a sentence. The practice of actually living in accordance with it — of consistently distinguishing, in the heat of the moment and under the pressure of events, between what is genuinely up to us and what is not, and of restricting one’s desires and fears to the former category — is the work of a lifetime, and the Stoic texts are, in large part, practical manuals for this work.


The Dichotomy of Control: What Freedom Actually Means

The dichotomy of control — the distinction between what is up to us and what is not — is not, in the Stoic account, a counsel of passivity. It is not an invitation to withdraw from the world, to refuse engagement with events, to achieve the tranquillity of the stone by becoming as indifferent to circumstances as the stone is. It is something much more active and much more demanding: the invitation to engage with everything that the world presents while maintaining a specific quality of internal relationship to the outcome of that engagement.

The Stoic does not cease to act because actions have uncertain outcomes. She acts — she engages fully with the circumstances of her situation, with the relationships and the responsibilities and the projects that her specific life has generated — but she acts with what the Stoics call the reserve clause: the mental addition to every intention of the phrase “if nothing prevents it,” the acknowledgment that the outcome of action is not in her control and that the action is worth taking regardless of the outcome. The archer aims at the target and releases the arrow with full commitment, attending to everything that is in her control — the draw, the aim, the release — and then releases the outcome as well, because the flight of the arrow, once released, is no longer in her control.

This is a difficult practice and a precise one. It requires the specific quality of attention that distinguishes between what the action requires and what the outcome requires — between the care and the skill and the commitment that constitute the doing and the result that the doing produces in a world full of factors that are not up to the archer. It requires the kind of engagement that is full and genuine and not hedged by the anxiety of the outcome — the kind of engagement that is, paradoxically, more fully present than the engagement of the person who is worried about results, because the worry about results divides the attention between the action and its consequences while the reserve clause concentrates it entirely on the action.

Marcus Aurelius returns to this distinction in the Meditations with the patient repetition of someone who finds it genuinely difficult to maintain in practice. He is, after all, an emperor — a person to whom the outcomes of actions matter enormously, to whom the results of decisions have consequences for millions of people, to whom the concept of disengaging from outcomes is more than usually challenging. And yet the Meditations demonstrate that the disengagement he is attempting is not an abandonment of responsibility but a specific form of it: the attempt to do what the situation requires with the full concentration of his rational capacity, while releasing the anxiety about outcomes that would otherwise corrupt the quality of the decision-making itself.

“You have power over your mind, not outside events,” he writes — or something like it, in the various translations that the Greek original has generated. “Realise this and you will find strength.” The strength is not the strength of the person who has achieved control over external events, which is not available to anyone, even emperors. It is the strength of the person who has achieved — or is working toward achieving — the specific quality of internal organisation that the Stoics call virtue, and that is the only genuine good.


Virtue as the Only Good: The Radical Claim

The claim that virtue is the only good — that it is not merely one good among others but the only thing that is genuinely and unconditionally good, the only thing whose possession guarantees the happiness of the person who possesses it — is the most radical and the most frequently contested claim in the Stoic system.

What the Stoics call virtue — aretē, as with Aristotle — is the excellent exercise of the rational capacity that is the specifically human endowment: the practical wisdom that perceives situations clearly and responds to them appropriately, the justice that gives each person their due, the courage that persists in the right action in the face of danger or difficulty, the temperance that manages desire and aversion in accordance with reason. The virtues are not separate qualities but aspects of a single quality: the rational, well-ordered soul that has achieved the specific form of excellence that its nature makes available.

The Stoics classified everything else — health, wealth, reputation, pleasure, friendship — as preferred indifferents: things that are genuinely preferable to their opposites (health to illness, wealth to poverty) but that are not genuinely good in the sense that virtue is good, because their possession does not guarantee happiness and their absence does not guarantee unhappiness. The virtuous person in poverty is happier, in the Stoic account, than the vicious person in wealth — not because poverty is preferable to wealth (it is not, and the Stoic will prefer wealth to poverty if the choice is available) but because the virtuous person possesses the only thing whose possession makes a genuine difference to happiness, and the vicious person does not possess it however much wealth she accumulates.

This is the philosophical position that illuminates the apparent paradox of Seneca’s wealthy Stoicism. Seneca does not claim that his wealth is irrelevant — he acknowledges it as a preferred indifferent, something he is rationally entitled to prefer and to enjoy as long as he possesses it. What he claims — and demonstrates, in the quality of his philosophical writing and in the manner of his death — is that his happiness does not depend on the wealth, that he holds it as a loan to be returned without distress when it is called in, that the internal organisation of the virtuous soul is not threatened by the external fluctuations of fortune that the non-philosopher finds so devastating.

The Stoics distinguish between things that happen and the judgments we make about them. The thing that happens — the loss of wealth, the death of a friend, the illness of the body — is not bad in itself. What makes it bad, what makes it a source of suffering, is the judgment that it is bad: the specific evaluation of the event that the mind adds to the bare happening. Epictetus returns to this repeatedly: “Men are disturbed not by the things which happen, but by the opinions about the things: for example, death is nothing terrible, for if it were, it would have seemed so to Socrates; for the opinion about death, that it is terrible, is the terrible thing.” This is the Stoic version of Epicurus’s therapy — the examination of the judgments we make about events, with the aim of distinguishing the events themselves from the evaluations we add to them and that constitute most of our suffering.


The View from Above: Cosmopolitanism and the Common Good

The Stoic ethics opens, in a direction that neither Plato nor Aristotle had quite anticipated, into a politics — not the politics of the city-state that Aristotle had theorised, but a politics of the cosmopolis, the world-city, the community of rational beings that transcends the boundaries of any particular political community.

The logos that runs through all things is the logos that runs through every human mind — the rational principle that is the same in the Athenian and the Persian, the Greek and the barbarian, the free person and the slave. This means that every human being, insofar as she exercises her rational capacity, participates in the same rational order, belongs to the same community of reason, is bound by the same obligations of mutual respect and mutual aid that bind the members of any genuine community.

The Stoic sage — the fully virtuous person, the person who has perfectly achieved the rational order that the Stoic philosophy describes — is a citizen of the world before she is a citizen of any particular city. She has obligations to her family and her community and her political state, and she fulfils them, but these particular obligations are nested within a larger obligation to the rational community of all human beings, and the particular obligations are always understood and exercised in the light of the larger one.

Marcus Aurelius returns to this in the Meditations with a regularity that suggests he found it genuinely useful for the specific challenges of his position. He was emperor of Rome — the most particularistic of political roles, the role that demanded the management of a specific empire for the specific benefit of its specific citizens. And he reminded himself, repeatedly, that his obligations extended beyond the empire, that the good of the rational community of human beings was the ultimately authoritative consideration, that his role as a rational being — as a participant in the logos — was prior to and more fundamental than his role as emperor.

This is the origin of the concept of cosmopolitanism — the conviction that the politically relevant community is not the nation or the empire or the city but humanity as such, that the obligations that flow from our shared rational nature override the obligations that flow from our particular political membership. It is an idea that has had extraordinary productive force in the history of political philosophy, from the Stoics through the natural law theorists of the Middle Ages through the Enlightenment cosmopolitanism of Kant through the contemporary debates about global justice and human rights. And it began with the Stoics — with the specific implication of the logos, the insight that if reason is universal, the community of reason is universal too.


The Practice: Exercises for the Rational Soul

The Stoic philosophy was not primarily a theory. It was — like the Epicurean philosophy, but more systematically articulated — a set of practices: specific exercises that the person who wished to achieve the Stoic goal was expected to undertake regularly and with genuine commitment.

The most important of these practices — the one that Marcus Aurelius returns to most consistently in the Meditations — is the view from above: the imaginative exercise of seeing one’s current situation from a perspective so elevated and so comprehensive that the specific anxieties and frustrations and desires that the situation generates are reduced to their actual scale. From high enough above, the Roman Empire is a dot on a dot on a dot in an infinite universe. The political crisis that seems, from within it, of world-historical significance is, from the perspective of the cosmos, barely a tremor. The personal slight that seems, from within the experience of it, devastating is, from the perspective of the rational order of things, a nothing.

This is not nihilism. The view from above does not make things unimportant — it restores them to their actual level of importance, which is almost always less than the emotional response to them suggests. The practice of the view from above is the practice of the right calibration of judgment: the exercise that corrects the distortions of the proximate perspective, that allows the rational mind to assess the situation accurately rather than in the heat of the immediate emotional response.

Negative visualisation — the deliberate imagination of the worst outcomes, the systematic contemplation of loss — is another Stoic practice, and the most frequently misunderstood. It is not pessimism, and it is not the cultivation of the anxious expectation of disaster. It is the practice of the right relationship to preferred indifferents: the regular reminder that the things one has — the health, the relationships, the property, the circumstances of the current life — are loans rather than possessions, returnable without notice, not owed to one but granted by fortune. The person who has genuinely internalised this understanding is the person who can enjoy the loan without the anxiety of ownership — who can take genuine pleasure in the present goods of her situation without the desperate clinging that the assumption of permanent possession generates.

Memento mori — the reminder of death, the regular contemplation of one’s own mortality — is the final and most demanding of the Stoic practices. Marcus returns to it in the Meditations with a frequency that might, in another register, seem morbid, and that in the Stoic register is the precise opposite: the reminder that each day might be the last is the reminder that each day is the one to be lived fully, virtuously, with the complete attention that the Stoic philosophy demands and that the comfortable assumption of unlimited future time makes easy to defer.


Epictetus: The Slave Who Was Freer Than His Master

The figure of Epictetus stands at the centre of the Stoic tradition with a specific weight that the other Stoics — however admirable — cannot quite match, because his life is the most literal and the most complete demonstration of the philosophy’s central claim: that the freedom the Stoic seeks is an internal freedom, a freedom of the mind and the will that cannot be taken away by any external power, and that a person can be a slave in the political sense while being more genuinely free than the masters who own her.

The leg was broken. Epictetus remained unbroken. This is not a metaphor. It is the specific physical, historical, documented fact that organises the reception of his philosophy and that gives the Discourses their specific quality of authority — the authority of the person who has tested the doctrine in the most extreme conditions available and found it adequate.

He lived simply, by all ancient accounts, in a small house with very few possessions. He kept a lamp on a table by his door, and when the lamp was stolen he replaced it with a clay lamp rather than with another iron one, on the grounds that the attachment to specific possessions was the source of the suffering their loss produced. He adopted a child whose parents were unable to care for it, in an act of practical compassion that his philosophical position about the primacy of rational community made entirely consistent. He took in a friend’s students when the friend was unable to teach.

“Seek not that the things which happen should happen as you wish; but wish the things which happen to be as they are, and you will have a tranquil flow of life.” The sentence is from the Enchiridion, and it is the most concentrated statement of the Stoic practice — not the elimination of desire but the radical reorientation of desire toward what is the case rather than what one wishes were the case. This is not resignation. It is the specific achievement of the person who has, through sustained practice, made the distinction between what is up to her and what is not into something more than a theoretical commitment — has made it a genuine disposition of the soul, a stable orientation toward experience that generates equanimity as a natural consequence rather than a forced performance.

The Discourses are full of students who want to know what to do in specific situations — how to respond to insults, how to manage ambition, how to think about family obligations, how to face illness — and Epictetus responds each time not with a rule but with an analysis: this situation contains elements that are up to you and elements that are not up to you, and the question is whether you have correctly identified which is which and whether your response is organised around what is genuinely in your control.

The quality of the teaching — the patience and the directness and the occasional sharpness of someone who has understood clearly what the student’s confusion consists of — gives the Discourses a specific texture that the more literary Meditations and Letters do not quite have: the texture of a genuine philosophical conversation, of the Socratic method applied to the practical questions of daily life, of the examined life conducted not in the Academy but in a small house in Nicopolis with the smell of the sea coming through the open door.


Seneca: The Philosopher in the World

Seneca’s philosophical letters — the 124 Epistulae Morales addressed to his friend Lucilius Junior — are the most readable and in certain respects the richest of the Stoic texts: warmer than Epictetus’s Discourses, less repetitive than the Meditations, written in a Latin prose of such elegance and such precision that they were studied as models of style throughout the Renaissance and continue to reward close reading simply as literature.

The philosophical substance is genuinely Stoic — the same doctrines, the same practices, the same fundamental orientation toward the distinction between what is up to us and what is not. But the Senecan version of Stoicism has a specific flavour that the Stoicism of Marcus and Epictetus does not quite share: a warmth, a self-awareness, a willingness to acknowledge the gap between the ideal and the actual that gives the letters their specific quality of honesty and their specific quality of usefulness.

“I am not wise,” Seneca writes to Lucilius, “and to nourish my malevolence I shall not be wise.” The admission — from a philosopher who is writing letters of philosophical instruction to a friend — is disarming and is philosophically serious. The Stoic sage, the person who has achieved the perfect rational order that the philosophy describes, is an ideal — an aspirational figure toward whom the philosopher orients herself rather than a state she has achieved or expects to achieve. Seneca is not a sage. He is a person on the way to sagehood, making progress with varying degrees of success, and the letters are the record of the progress and the failures and the renewed commitment to the practice.

This is the most useful thing Seneca contributes to the Stoic tradition: the account of the philosophical life as a practice rather than an achievement, as a direction rather than a destination, as something that is never complete because completion is not available to the mortal and imperfect beings who are attempting it. The letters are not the testimony of someone who has arrived. They are the correspondence of someone who is trying — seriously, consistently, with genuine intellectual commitment and genuine human warmth — and who knows that the trying is the point.

“On the Shortness of Life” — the essay addressed to his father-in-law Paulinus, probably written in the 50s CE — is the single most immediately useful piece of philosophical writing I know: the argument that life is not short but that most of us waste it, that the time genuinely available to us for the living of a philosophical life is more than sufficient if we would stop squandering it on the pursuit of conventional goods that the philosophical analysis has revealed to be empty. “It is not that we have a short time to live, but that we waste a great deal of it.”

He writes about time with the urgency of someone who knows that time is running out — and it was running out, as it turned out, faster than he may have anticipated, the forced suicide coming in 65 CE when he was in his late sixties. He met the end with a calmness that the ancient sources — who were generally not friendly to Nero — unanimously attest, opening his veins and dictating philosophical reflections until the blood loss was sufficient to end the dictation. The death was Stoic in the way that Socrates’ death was Socratic: not because it was painless or because it was chosen, but because it was met with the quality of consciousness that the philosophy had spent a lifetime cultivating.


The Series and its End: What the Greeks Have Been Saying

Stand back, one final time, and look at the series as a whole — both the modern series and the ancient one, both the seven modern philosophers and the six ancient ones — and ask what they have been saying together, what the accumulated weight of the thinking amounts to, what the series has been in the process of demonstrating.

The Greeks asked the question first: what is real, and what is the good life for the being who must live in reality? Heraclitus said: reality is flux, and the logos runs through it, and the good life is the life of genuine attention to that flux. Socrates said: the examined life is the only life worth living, and the examination is the primary activity of the philosophical vocation. Plato said: there is a reality beyond appearance, and the philosopher’s task is the ascent toward it, and the descent back to the cave for the sake of others. Aristotle said: the reality is here, in the things themselves, and the good life is the flourishing of the specific, embodied, social, mortal animal that the human being actually is. Epicurus said: the good life is simpler than you think, friendship is its greatest pleasure, and the fear of death is the greatest obstacle to living it. The Stoics said: the only thing in your control is your response to what happens, virtue is the only genuine good, and the rational community of all human beings is the community to which you primarily belong.

And then, two thousand years later, the moderns: Kierkegaard said: the self is a task, choose it. Beauvoir said: the task is situated, and the situation is shaped by power. Nietzsche said: the values are made, and the criterion is whether you would live it again. Spinoza said: the self is a mode of the infinite, and the highest pleasure is the intellectual love of the whole. Heidegger said: the self is thrown, and death is the horizon, and authenticity is the demand. Sartre said: existence precedes essence, and freedom is total, and the responsibility is without excuse. Camus said: yes, to all of it, and the struggle is enough, and one must imagine Sisyphus happy.

Between the ancient series and the modern series, the question of who we are has received thirteen serious answers, each one illuminating dimensions that the others miss, each one demanding something of the person who reads it honestly. The answers do not resolve into a single position. They are not meant to. They are meant to produce the specific quality of thinking that Socrates called the examined life — the ongoing, serious, philosophically disciplined engagement with the question of what we are and how we should live, conducted not as an academic exercise but as the most important practical activity available to a conscious being in a mortal life.

The Stoics are the last of the ancient philosophers in this series, and they are, in a specific sense, the most immediately applicable: the philosophy that requires no metaphysical commitment, no faith in the Forms or the logos or the immortal soul, but only the regular practice of the distinction between what is up to us and what is not, the regular examination of the judgments we add to events, the regular reminder of the mortality that makes each day the one to be lived with full attention.

Marcus in his tent on the Danube frontier. Epictetus in his house in Nicopolis, his broken leg a permanent reminder of what could not be broken. Seneca dictating to his secretary as the blood slowed and the light changed. Three lives, three demonstrations, one philosophy — the philosophy of the person who has understood that the world cannot be controlled but the response to the world can, that virtue is the only thing that cannot be taken away, and that this understanding, genuinely achieved and genuinely practised, is sufficient for a life that is — against all the evidence of the contingency and the suffering and the indifference of the world — genuinely worth living.


Who We Are According to the Stoics

We are rational beings — participants in the logos that runs through all things, possessed of a faculty of reason and choice that is genuinely and completely our own, incapable of being enslaved in the only sense that the Stoics consider slavery to genuinely matter.

We are citizens of the world — members of the rational community of all human beings that transcends the boundaries of any particular political membership, bound by obligations of mutual respect and mutual aid to every person who shares our rational nature, which is every person.

We are the authors of our own judgments — the beings who add evaluations to events, who interpret what happens to them as good or bad or indifferent, and who are therefore responsible for the suffering that the misidentification of the genuinely good generates and capable of the equanimity that the correct identification produces.

We are mortal — and the Stoics, like Epicurus, like Camus, refuse to treat this as a deficiency to be overcome or a tragedy to be mourned. It is a fact, the most fundamental fact about the human situation, and the practice of living well is the practice of living in the full awareness of the fact — not despite it but with it, in the specific quality of attention that mortality, genuinely accepted rather than anxiously managed, makes available.

We are sufficient — possessing, in the rational faculty and in the freedom of choice that the rational faculty constitutes, everything that is genuinely required for the good life. Not everything we want. Not everything the conventional world tells us we need. But everything that is genuinely required for the life that is genuinely worth living — the life of the person who has understood what is up to her and what is not, who has restricted her desires and fears to the former category, who has found in the restriction not poverty but freedom, not resignation but the specific power of the person whose happiness cannot be touched by anything the external world can do to her.

The rain falls on the tent. The emperor writes by lamplight. He already knows what he is writing. He writes it anyway, because the knowing and the living are not the same activity, and the distance between them is the work of a lifetime, and the work does not end until the life does.

Take what is yours. Release what is not. This is the whole of it. Everything else is commentary.


The essential Stoic texts are Marcus Aurelius’s Meditations, translated by Gregory Hays (Modern Library) — the most readable modern translation — or Robin Hard (Oxford World’s Classics); Epictetus’s Discourses and Enchiridion, translated by Robin Hard (Everyman); and Seneca’s Letters from a Stoic, translated by Robin Campbell (Penguin Classics), and On the Shortness of Life, translated by C.D.N. Costa (Penguin Classics). For the philosophical context and the earlier Greek Stoicism of Zeno and Chrysippus, A.A. Long’s Epictetus: A Stoic and Socratic Guide to Life (Oxford University Press) is the most rigorous scholarly treatment. Pierre Hadot’s Philosophy as a Way of Life (Blackwell) is the most important modern account of the practice of ancient philosophy and is essential reading for understanding what the Stoics were actually doing. Ryan Holiday’s popular Stoicism books have reintroduced the tradition to a contemporary audience, with varying degrees of philosophical accuracy, and have the considerable merit of having sent a great many people back to the primary sources.


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